By Jesse Ventura, Dick Russell
There’s the liberty of data Act, after which there’s Ventura’s way.
The respectable spin on quite a few govt courses is flat-out bullshit, based on Jesse Ventura. during this brilliant number of real govt files, Ventura, the final word non- partisan truth-seeker, proves it past any doubt. He and Dick Russell stroll readers via sixty three of the main incriminating courses to bare what particularly occurs at the back of the closed doorways. In addition to supplying unique govt facts, Ventura discusses what it fairly capacity and the way usual american citizens can cease felony habit on the most sensible degrees of presidency and within the media. between the instances mentioned:
• The CIA’s top-secret application to regulate human habit
• Operation Northwoods—the army plan to hijack airplanes and blame it on Cuban terrorists
• the invention of a mystery Afghan archive—information that by no means left the boardroom
• almost certainly lethal healthcare cover-ups, together with a dengue fever outbreak
• What the dept of safeguard is familiar with approximately our foodstuff supply—but is retaining mum
even if those files at the moment are within the public area, the powers that be may simply as quickly they remain less than wraps. Ventura’s examine and statement sheds new gentle on what they’re now not telling you—and why it concerns.
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Additional resources for 63 Documents the Government Doesn't Want You to Read
They must resist this temptation, but only a greater awareness by the American publica shift of mind-set that would turn such “nonvoting” issues as UN dues or arms control into “voting” issuescan ensure that they do so. It’s Still Good to Be the King I have drawn a picture of perhaps unsettling complexity here. But the landscape of the Permanent Quagmire is not entirely bleak. In the end this is an optimistic bookit’s still good to be the king, after all, in Mel Brooks’s immortal words. Indeed, one of the chief arguments of this book is that we Americans can aﬀord a more expansive engagement.
Ground troops to root out the remaining terrorists. But it only grudgingly sent aid and balked at a large peacekeeping force, even as various warlords consolidated control, dividing Afghanistan into private ﬁefdoms. Whole provinces remained cut oﬀ from commerce and international aid as fear of banditry and terror ruled the nation’s skeletal road network, which had been percent destroyed during twenty-three years of civil war. Virtually resourcelessits main export was poppies to the world’s narcotics gangs Afghanistan’s chances for becoming a uniﬁed nation, and part of the global system, seemed small in the near future, according to longtime observers on the ground.
S. presence in the world. Max Boot has asked us to hark back to the aggressive way we Americans fought the Barbary Wars or the Philippines conﬂict in in deciding how to intervene today. Many of these arguments are interesting and usefulMead’s analysis is particularly so, and we will come back to itbut most of these commentators, I would argue, miss the larger point: A great deal of what Thomas Jeﬀerson or George Washington once thought is just not terribly relevant today, at least as concerns foreign policy.