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Cataclysm 1914 brings jointly a few leftist students from numerous fields to discover the numerous various facets of the origins, trajectories and outcomes of the 1st global battle. the gathering not just goals to ascertain the struggle itself, yet seeks to visualize the clash and all its fast results (such because the Bolshevik Revolution and ascendency folks hegemony) as a defining moment—perhaps the defining moment—in twentieth century international politics rupturing and reconstituting the ‘modern’ epoch in its many instantiations. In doing so, the gathering takes up quite a few assorted themes of curiosity to either a normal reader, these fascinated about Marxian concept and approach, and leftist and socialist histories of the struggle.

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Additional resources for Cataclysm 1914: The First World War and the Making of Modern World Politics (Historical Materialism Book Series, Volume 89)

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112–93. 40 Eley the early Wilhelmine years in the mid-1890s; next, linking the First Moroccan Crisis and the so-called ‘Hottentot elections’ in 1903–7; and finally, after the Second Moroccan or Agadir Crisis in 1911–14. Each was marked by an intensive concentration of public discussion across the press, associations, universities, and wider publicistic activity, intersecting with the business and government worlds, while finding powerful resonance among the parties and in the Reichstag. 55 Inside this consensus were some important fissures, the most serious involving the presence of an increasingly noisy and virulent radical nationalism, or so-called ‘national opposition’, which first emerged in the more radical wing of the colonial movement of the 1880s before regrouping into the Pan-German League during 1890–4.

Under the aegis of the concept of ‘social imperialism’, Fischer’s work inspired an especially strong linkage between Germany’s world policy and the domestic political arena. 22 Using the interconnectedness of Weltpolitik, the big navy policy, and high tariffs in the years 1897–1902 as his main case, Kehr found the key to Germany’s expansionist foreign policy in the dominance of a particular coalition of interests – ‘iron and rye’, heavy industry and big-estate agriculture – that consistently shaped official policy.

Also: Frech 2009; Leicht 2012. 21 That generation’s political imagination was cast decisively in the languages of national consolidation. Its members came of age in the crucible of the 1870s and 1880s, as a defining succession of major nationalist drives – those of the Kulturkampf, Anti-Socialist Law, and colonialism – sought to solidify and sharpen the new nation’s cultural solidarities, while pushing its presence outwards into the wider global arena. For these freshly formed adult nationalist convictions, the fall of Bismarck in 1890 and the adoption of Caprivi’s ‘New Course’ came as a deeply felt ideological shock.

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