By Harry V. Jaffa
Crisis of the home Divided is the normal historiography of the Lincoln-Douglas debates. Harry Jaffa offers the definitive research of the political rules that guided Lincoln from his re-entry into politics in 1854 via his Senate crusade opposed to Douglas in 1858.
"Crisis of the home Divided has formed the concept of a new release of Abraham Lincoln and Civil battle scholars."--Mark E. Needly, Jr., Civil warfare History
"An vital ebook approximately one of many nice episodes within the background of the sectional controversy. It breaks new flooring and opens a brand new view of Lincoln's value as a political thinker."--T. Harry Williams, Annals of the yank Academy of Political and Social Sciences
"A looking out and provocative research of the problems faced and the guidelines expounded within the nice debates. . . . A booklet which monitors such studying and perception that it can't fail to excite the admiration even of students who disagree with its significant arguments and conclusions."--D. E. Fehrenbacher, American historic Review
Read Online or Download Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates PDF
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Extra info for Crisis of the House Divided: An Interpretation of the Issues in the Lincoln-Douglas Debates
This question, Douglas averred, must be answered by each state and territory for itself. Illinois had decided that the Negro should be neither a slave nor a citizen; other states had decreed slavery; still others had decided that Negroes might vote. Of the latter, some decreed special qualifications for Negro voters in addition to those re- quired of white men, while others did not draw any such invidious distinction. Douglas's central practical contention came to this: that as Negro rights had, by the nature of the case, to be decided by white men, the white men competent to degide 1858: LINCOLN VERSUS DOUGLAS 33 wgce.
Douglas's rhetoric appealed to a principle that the proslavery party at least recognized. The abolitionists, on the stand upon the Constitution, albeit according to contrary, appealed to a "higher law," were willing to damn the Constitution, and admitted no premise to which Douglas might appeal in the interest of any compromise. Within the framework of the Constitution, thought Douglas, the only way to abolish slavery was to appeal to the people of the states and the territories, who did possess the constitutional power and right to deal as they wished with it.
The intolerance of the abolitionists seemed to him the more provocative as well as the more aggressive of the two extremes, and his passionate concern with the constitutional rights of the South led him to pour scorn upon the racial egalitarianism of its detractors. " 2 According to Nevins, the forces of history, the movements of world opinion in the nineteenth century were irresistibly away from irresponsible autocracies and toward responsible democracies; away from slavery, in its many world-wide forms, toward personal freedom.